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GIFT   OF 
EVGENE  MEYER,JR. 


THE  CONVENTION 

THAT  NOMINATED 

LINCOLN 


AN  ADDRESS  DELIVERED  BEFORE  THE 
CHICAGO  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  ON  MAY 
18,  1916,  THE  FIFTY-SIXTH  ANNIVERSARY 
OF  LINCOLN'S  NOMINATION  FOR  THE 
PRESIDENCY 


By  P.  ORMAN  RAY,  PH.  D. 


PROFESSOR  OF  POLITICAL  SCIENCE 
NORTHWESTERN  UNIVERSITY 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 
CHICAGO.  ILLINOIS 


. 


£1 

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ii 

PH    ^3 
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THE  CONVENTION 

THAT  NOMINATED 

LINCOLN 


AN  ADDRESS  DELIVERED  BEFORE  THE 
CHICAGO  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  ON  MAY 
18,  1916,  THE  FIFTY-SIXTH  ANNIVERSARY 
OF  LINCOLN'S  NOMINATION  FOR  THE 
PRESIDENCY 


By  P.  ORMAN  RAY,  PH.  D. 


PROFESSOR  OF  POLITICAL  SCIENCE 
NORTHWESTERN  UNIVERSITY 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 
CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 


'0 


COPYRIGHT  1916,  BY 
CHICAGO  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


INTRODUCTION 


Our  national  nominating  conventions  are  unique :  nothing 
of  the  kind  exists  in  any  other  country.  As  great  national 
spectacles  they  attract  people  from  all  sections  of  the 
country  and  even  from  Europe. 

In  the  history  of  the  Republican  party,  three  national 
conventions  stand  pre-eminent;  that  of  1860,  which  gave  to 
the  country  Abraham  Lincoln;  that  of  1880,  in  which  was 
fought  the  great  battle  over  the  attempt  to  nominate 
General  Grant  for  a  third  term;  and  that  of  1912,  the  sad 
story  of  which  is  all  too  familiar  to  some  of  us.  Each  of 
these  outstanding  conventions  was  held  in  the  City  of 
Chicago,  and  that  of  1860  was  the  first  national  nominating 
convention  ever  held  in  that  city.  The  selection  of  Chicago 
as  the  convention  city  was  itself  significant  of  the  important 
part  which  the  young  Northwest  had  come  to  play  in 
national  politics  and  has  continued  to  play  ever  since. 

In  preparing  this  lecture,  I  have  tried  largely  to  forget 
what  is  contained  in  the  accounts  of  this  convention  appear 
ing  in  the  standard  histories,  and  have  tried  to  present  a 
story  of  the  convention  based  almost  wholly  upon  the 
official  record  and  upon  material  gleaned  from  the  Chicago 
newspapers,  which  so  far  as  I  am  aware  have  not  been 
used  by  the  authors  of  the  histories  just  mentioned.  I  shall 
try  to  relate  the  story  of  the  convention  so  far  as  practicable 
in  the  language  of  contemporary  eyewitnesses.  Conse- 


quently  I  disclaim  all  responsibility  for  striking  superlatives, 
glowing  metaphors,  incandescent  adjectives  and  superheated 
imaginative  passages  written  in  the  midst  of  convention 
excitement.  The  lecture  makes  no  claim  to  being  a  con 
tribution  to  knowledge,  but  is  more  nearly  what  my  colleague 
of  the  English  Department  might  call  "a  study  in  local 
color." 

To  the  officials  of  The  Newberry  Library  and  the  Chicago 
Historical  Society  I  wish  to  express  my  gratitude  for  cour 
teously  placing  at  my  service  the  newspaper  files  in  their 
respective  libraries. 

P.  ORMAN  RAY. 

Evanston, 
22  May,  1916. 


THE  CONVENTION  THAT  NOMINATED 
LINCOLN 

I       The  Republican  National  Convention  of  1860  not  only 
I  has  the  distinction  of  being  the  first  convention  to  have  had 
/    telegraphic  instruments  brought  into  the  convention  building 
for  the  use  of  newspaper  correspondents,  but  it  has  the 
additional  distinction  of  being  the  first  national  convention 
/     to  meet  in  a  building  specially  erected  for  its  use,  the  famous  j 
I     Chicago  Wigwam.     To  us  the  Wigwam  would  seem  much 
//like  a  doll-house  in  comparison  with  the  present  Coliseum; 
but  to  the  hundreds  of  delegates  and  thousands  of  spec 
tators  who  thronged  it  between  the  12th  and  18th  of  May, 
1860,   it   was   indeed   a   marvel.     It   wras   a   "substantial 
wooden  structure,"  two  stories  high,  located  at  the  southeast  \o 
corner  of  Lake  and  Market  streets,  with  a  frontage  of 
180  feet  on  Market,  and  one  hundred  feet  on  Lake  street. 
"This  gigantic  structure,  the  largest  audience  room  in  the 
United  States"  in  1860  was  thus  considerably  smaller  than 
the  indoor  athletic  field  in  the  Patten  gymnasium  at  North 
western  University,  or  about  the  size  of  the  Coliseum  Annex, 
I  am  informed. 

The  Wigwam  owed  its  erection  to  "the  spirit  of  liberality 
and  welcome"  with  which  Chicago  Republicans  prepared 
to  receive  the  first  national  nominating  convention  to  come 
to  their  city.  The  work  of  construction  was  begun  early 
in  April,  but,  although  rapidly  pushed,  the  structure  was 
barely  ready  for  the  use  of  the  convention  when  it  assembled  , 
May  16th.  The  entire  cost  of  this  unprecedentedly  large 
building  was  the  modest  sum  of  between  $5000  and  $6000.  J^ 


The  interior  arrangement  of  the  Wigwam  was  quite 
unlike  our  modern  convention  halls.  I  have  tried  to 
reproduce,  with  slight  additions,  the  only  contemporary 
plan  of  the  interior  that  I  have  ever  seen.1  This  plan  and 
the  facts  in  the  description  which  follow  are  taken  from 
contemporary  Chicago  newspapers.  In  planning  the  build 
ing,  advantage  was  taken  of  the  height  of  the  grade  on  both 
Market  and  Lake  streets,  about  ten  feet  at  that  time,  to 
facilitate  the  construction  of  a  series  of  wide  platforms  or 
landings  descending  from  the  three  entrances  on  Market 
street  to  the  enclosed  space  for  musicians  in  front  of  the 
stage.  Upon  this  series  of  landings  the  spectators  stood 
throughout  the  different  sessions,  for  no  seats  were  provided 
for  the  hoi  polloi. 

From  these  landings  a  good  view  was  had  of  the  deep 
platform  or  stage  extending  the  entire  width  of  the  building. 
At  each  end  of  the  stage  were  ample  committee  rooms. 
Four  hundred  and  sixty-odd  delegates  and  something  like 
sixty  newspaper  correspondents  were  seated  upon  this 
stage;  and  here  it  was  that  the  real  drama  of  the  convention 
was  enacted.  The  location  of  each  state  delegation  was 
indicated,  as  at  the  present  time,  by  standards  bearing 
placards  with  the  names  of  the  several  states  printed  thereon. 

Running  around  three  sides  of  the  building  was  a  gallery, 
so  pitched  that  "from  every  part  a  perfect  view"  of  the 
speaker's  stand  could  be  had.  This  gallery  seating  from 
ten  to  twelve  hundred  persons,  was  reserved  for  ladies 
and  the  gentlemen  who  accompanied  them,  and  probably 
was  provided  with  seats;  for  an  advertisement  had  appeared 
in  the  Tribune  of  May  8th  requesting  all  persons  who  had 
suitable  seats  to  contribute  them  for  use  in  this  gallery  on 
this  occasion.  The  total  capacity  of  the  building  was 
variously  estimated  by  contemporaries  at  from  six  to 
fifteen  thousand. 

xThis  sketch  appeared  in  the  Press  and  Tribune  for  May  14,  1860. 

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LAKE  STREET      (100  Feet) 


The  interior  was  left  rough  and  unplaned,  and  the  wall 
back  of  the  platform  was  the  brick  wall  of  the  adjoining 
store.  But  this  rough  interior,  we  are  told,  was  transformed 
by  "the  light,  graceful  and  entirely  successful  handiwork" 
of  the  Republican  ladies  of  Chicago.  Their  assistance  had 
been  invoked  by  such  formal  invitations  as  the  following 
which  appeared  in  the  newspapers  as  the  Wigwam  ap 
proached  completion: 

"  To  the  Republican  Ladies  of  Chicago:  The  Building  Com 
mittee  of  the  'Republican  Wigwam,'  in  connection  with  a  com 
mittee  of  the  Young  Men's  Republican  Club,  being  desirous 
of  appropriately  decorating  the  building  now  nearly  completed, 
would  respectfully  ask  any  ladies  who  may  be  interested  in  the 
cause,  and  who  are  willing  to  contribute  their  taste  and  labor 
in  such  decoration,  to  meet  the  above  committee  at  the  Wigwam 
*  *  *  *  on  Friday  afternoon  at  three  p.  m.  Any  persons  who  may 
be  willing  to  loan  us  decorations  are  requested  to  communicate, 
or  meet  with  us  at  the  above  time. 

Peter  Page,  Chairman  Building  Committee, 
E.  S.  Williams,  Chairman  Committee  Young  Men's 
Republican  Club." 

Other  invitations,  like  the  following,  were  much  less 
formal:  "The  Republican  girls  of  the  city  are  invited  to 
meet  tomorrow  at  the  Wigwam  at  three  p.  m.  to  assist  in 
decorating  it  for  the  Convention." 

Still  another  and  later  notice  urged  the  ladies  to  come 
"armed  and  equipped  with  those  formidable  weapons, 
needles,  thimbles,  scissors,  etc.,  etc.,"  and  added  that 
"several  young  men  can  be  employed  putting  up  decora 
tions,  if  they  will  apply  at  the  same  time  and  place,"  bringing 
"tacks  and  hammers." 

A  goodly  number  must  have  responded  to  these  appeals, 
for  the  editor  of  the  Daily  Journal  visiting  the  Wigwam 
two  days  before  the  dedication,  found  "a  bevy  of  ladies  as 
busy  as  ants,  decorating,  sewing,  and  arranging  wreaths 


and  festoons."  These,  with  the  assistance  of  male  volunteers 
and  painters,  succeeded  in  relieving  or  concealing  the  bare 
ness  of  the  rough-finished  interior.  Around  the  front  of 
the  gallery,  for  example,  were  placed  coats  of  arms  of  the 
several  states,  and  between  them  wreaths  of  evergreen. 
The  gallery  pillars  and  supports  were  painted  white  and 
wreathed  with  evergreens,  and  from  each  to  each  were 
twined  draperies  in  red,  white  and  blue,  with  artificial 
flowers  and  miniature  national  flags. 

The  chief  decoration  was  naturally  bestowed  upon  the 
stage.  The  brick  wall  at  the  rear  was  painted  and  divided 
into  arched  panels  in  which  were  colossal  statuary  paint 
ings  of  Liberty,  Plenty,  Justice,  etc.  The  pillars  supporting 
the  roof  and  forming  a  continuous  row  along  the  brick  wall, 
were  twined  with  evergreens  and  connected  with  red, 
white  and  blue  streamers,  looped  in  the  middle  with  ever 
greens  and  flowers.  On  the  side  of  these  pillars  toward 
the  audience,  busts  of  distinguished  men  were  supported 
by  figures  of  Atlas.  At  the  west  end  of  the  stage  hung 
"the  elegant  and  costly  standard  of  the  Young  Men's 
Republican  Club  of  New  York.  It  bore  its  blazoned  stars 
and  legend  all  complete,  save  for  two  blanks  following  the 

lines,  Tor  President For  Vice-President 

'  These  blanks,"  said  the  Tribune,  "were  elo 
quent  with  a  purpose,  the  purpose  of  the  entire  convention, 
all  ready  for  the  campaign  but  waiting  for  the  names." 
"When,  for  the  first  time  the  effect  of  gas  light  was  added," 
to  these  decorations  on  the  evening  of  the  dedication, 
"the  effect  was  brilliant  in  the  extreme;"  and  "everybody, 
citizens  and  strangers,  delegates  and  outsiders,  .... 
all  fell  in  love  with  the  Great  Wigwam  ....  and  its 
praises  were  on  more  than  half  a  score  thousand  tongues." 

But  apparently  the  impression  created  by  the  Wigwam 
upon  those  attending  the  convention  was  not  conveyed  to 


non-attendants  by  the  pictures  of  the  structure  which 
appeared  in  some  of  the  Eastern  newspapers.  The  local 
pride  of  the  editor  of  the  Journal  seems  to  have  been  especi 
ally  offended  by  the  illustration  which  appeared  in  Har 
per's  Weekly.  Under  the  caption,  "A  Disgrace,"  he  says, 
"Harper's  Weekly  for  this  week  comes  to  us  containing  a 
picture  of  the  Wigwam  and  one  of  Chicago,  and  more 
miserable  abortions  never  appeared  in  a  pictorial  paper. 
They  are  a  disgrace  to  the  artist  and  paper  both.  The 
view  of  Chicago  is  a  caricature  upon  our  city,  and  we  hope 
henceforth  if  we  must  be  pictured,  that  it  may  be  done  by 
some  other  pictorial  paper  possessing  artists  of  some  degree 
of  capability." 

The  formal  opening  of  the  Wigwam  was  set  for  the  Satur 
day  evening  preceding  the  opening  of  the  convention. 
"This  evening,"  said  the  Journal  of  May  12th,  "the  Repub 
lican  Wigwam,  built  by  the  Republicans  of  Chicago  .  .  . 
will  be  dedicated  to  the  cause  of  freedom  with  appropriate 
ceremonies,  music,  speaking,  singing,  and  glorification 
generally  will  be  the  order  of  the  night  .  .  .  The 
council  fires  will  be  lighted  in  the  hut.  Come  up  and  gather 
round  for  an  old  fashioned  talk.  Come  all  and  put  a 
shoulder  to  the  wheel,  for  tonight  the  ball  begins  to  roll 
and  the  signal  guns  of  the  approaching  contest  between 
Freedom  and  Slavery  will  be  fired.  Let  every  man  be  at 
his  post." 

And  we  may  believe  that  every  man  was  at  his  post  W 
for  in  spite  of  the  admission  fee  of  twenty-five  cents  charged 
to  defray  the  debt  of  about  $2000  on  the  building,  "at  an 
early  hour  the  vast  structure  was  crowded  with  an  enthus 
iastic  throng  of  people,  a  respectable  portion  being  ladies. 
The  stage,  galleries  and  the  body  of  the  house,"  runs  a 
perfervid  newspaper  account,  "were  completely  packed 
with  the  thousands  who  had  come  up  to  this  preliminary 


meeting  of  the  campaign,  to  dedicate  a  new  rallying  place 
during  the  coming  and  long  wished  for  contest  between 
freedom  and  slavery.  The  sight  was  a  grand  and  inspiring 
one;  the  noble  structure,  a  voluntary  gift  to  freedom; 
the  sea  of  faces  beaming  with  delight  and  kindling  with 
the  patriotic  ardor  of  the  occasion;  the  intermingling 
draperies,  flags,  flowers  and  festoons;  the  busts  of  departed 
sages  and  heroes  benignantly  looking  down  upon  a  scene 
which  they  had  dimly  prophesied  but  never  seen;  the  peeling 
music;  all  conspired  to  form  a  glorious  omen  of  the  future— 
a  prophetic  sign,  large  with  golden  promise  of  a  glorious 
harvest  of  truth  and  right  next  fall  .  .  ." 

Among  the  speakers  on  this  occasion  was  a  Mr.  Johns, 
'f '  a  delegate-at-large  from  Iowa,  "a  plain,  homespun  western 
farmer,  but  sound  to  the  core."  He  had  walked  150  miles 
to  get  to  a  railroad  that  he  might  come  to  the  convention. 
His  "brief,  practical  speech,  filled  with  happy  hits,  kept 
the  crowd  in  a  continual  roar."  He  was  followed  by 
Henry  S.  Lane  of  Indiana,  the  recently  nominated  Repub 
lican  candidate  for  governor,  and  by  Governor  Morrill 
of  Maine;  and  finally  by  that  old  anti-slavery  war-horse, 
Joshua  R.  Giddings  of  Ohio,  who  took  the  stand  "amid 
the  most  deafening  applause." 

The  next  day,  being  Sunday,  two  religious  services  were 
V   held  in  the  Wigwam  conducted  by  Presbyterian  and  Baptist 
pastors;  while  on  Monday  and  Tuesday  evenings  large 
crowds  again  came  to  political  rallies  where  their  enthus 
iasm  was  stirred  by  music  and  oratorical  pyrotechnics. 
/    Such  were  some  of  the  preparations  for  "a  convention 
^pregnant  with  momentous  interest  to  this  country;"  and 
so  the  convention  week  opened  upon  a  city  rapidly  filling 
with  strangers  and  delegates  from  every  part  of  the  Union, 
and  "resonant  with  the  bustle  and  activity  consequent 
thereupon."    lLong  before  the  convention  opened  the  hotels 


were  "crowded  with  politicians,  lobby  men  and  delegates 
caucusing,  comparing  notes  and  arranging  preliminaries." 
And  yet,  said  the  Journal,  "these  are  but  a  handful  to  the 
immense  crowds  yet  to  come  who  will  tax  our  municipal 
accommodations  to  the  utmost.  But  when  the  hotels 
fail,  then  without  doubt  our  citizens  will  throw  open  their 
doors  and  extend  their  hospitalities  cordially.  The  latch 
strings  are  all  out  and  we  can  take  care  of  all  creation." 

And  Chicago's  forty-two  hotels,  with  rates  from  $1.50 
to  $2.50  a  day,  were  indeed  taxed  to  the  limit  to  take  care 
of  even  a  fraction  of  all  creation.  Even  billiard  tables 
were  made  to  serve  as  beds.  One  observer  going  the  rounds 
about  midnight  during  the  convention  found  no  less  than 
one  hundred  and  thirty  persons  in  one  hotel  glad  to  find  a 
chance  to  repose  on  the  tops  of  billiard  tables.  Registers 
were  opened  for  those  private  citizens  who  were  willing  to 
entertain  visitors.  Newspapers  contained  many  notices 
for  meetings  of  former  citizens  of  California,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania  or  the  New  England  States,  to  organize  as 
sub-committees  on  the  reception  and  entertainment  of 
delegates  and  visitors  from  their  native  States.  These 
committees,  as  well  as  the  political  marching  clubs  of  young 
men,  known  as  the  Wide- Awakes,  made  it  their  business 
to  meet  delegations  upon  their  arrival  at  the  railway 
stations  and  escort  them  to  their  headquarters.  Thus, 
when  the  Pennsylvania  delegation  of  six  hundred  arrived 
during  the  small  hours  of  Tuesday  morning,  accompanied 
by  bands  from  Philadelphia  and  Pittsburgh,  they  marched 
in  procession  escorted  by  the  Light  Guard  Band  of  Chicago 
and  "the  Sons  of  Pennsylvania"  to  the  Briggs  House  where 
the  majority  of  the  delegation  were  quartered.  There  they 
were  "received  by  their  countrymen  with  open  arms." 

As  early  as  Saturday  evening,  some  of  the  most  distin 
guished  delegates  began  to  arrive,  for  example,  Horace 


Greeley,  editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune  who  came,  not  as  a 
delegate  from  New  York,  for  he  was  bitterly  hostile  to  the 
Seward- Weed  machine,  but  as  a  delegate  by  proxy  from 
Oregon.  From  the  moment  of  his  arrival,  he  devoted  his 
energies  to  preventing  if  possible  the  nomination  of  Seward, 
believing  that  Edward  Bates  of  Missouri  would  make  a 
stronger  candidate  for  the  party.  The  same  day  Governor 
Morgan  of  New  York,  chairman  of  the  National  Committee, 
arrived,  and  Thurlow  Weed  also,  Seward's  campaign  man 
ager,  the  first  Republican  boss  of  New  York  State  and  the 
ablest  political  tactician  that  had  appeared  in  American  pol 
itics  up  to  that  time.  Governor  Morgan  made  the  Tremont 
House  his  headquarters,  while  Weed  established  himself 
at  the  Richmond  House,  much  after  the  manner  of  Jethro 
Bass  as  depicted  in  Churchill's  Coniston.  Here  Weed 
was  later  found  by  Carl  Schurz,  chairman  of  the  Seward 
delegation  from  Wisconsin,  surrounded  not  by  political 
luminaries  of  the  first  magnitude,  but  by  a  crowd  of  satellites, 
some  of  whom  did  not  strike  Schurz  as  desirable  companions 
of  New  York  politicians — apparently  men  of  the  baser  sort 
whom  Weed  had  brought  with  him  to  aid  in  doing  his  work. 
"What  that  work  consisted  in,  I  could  guess,"  says  Schurz, 
"from  the  conversations  I  was  permitted  to  hear,  for  they 
talked  very  freely  about  the  great  services  they  had  rendered 
or  were  going  to  render.  They  had  marched,  they  had 
treated  members  of  other  delegations  with  no  end  of  cham 
pagne  and  cigars,  to  win  them  for  Seward,  if  not  as  their 
first,  then  at  least  as  their  second,  choice,  to  be  voted  for 
on  the  second  or  third  ballot.  They  had  hinted  to  this 
man  and  that  man  supposed  to  wield  some  influence,  that 
if  he  could  throw  that  influence  for  Seward,  he  might,  in 
case  of  success,  count  upon  proper  'recognition.'  They  had 
spent  money  freely  and  let  everybody  understand  that  there 
was  a  great  lot  more  to  spend.  Among  these  men  Thurlow 


12 


Weed  moved  as  a  great  captain,  with  ceaseless  activity  and 
noiseless  step,  receiving  their  reports  and  giving  new  in 
structions  in  his  peculiar  whisper,  now  and  then  taking  one 
into  a  corner  of  the  room  for  secret  talk,  or  disappearing 
with  another  through  a  side  door  for  transactions  still  more 
secret/'* 

It  was  not  until  Monday  and  Tuesday,  however,  that  the 
crowds  really  began  to  pour  in  upon  Chicago,  making  the 
railroad  depots  "beat  like  great  hearts  with  their  living  tide; 
Republicans  from  mountains  Green,  Blue  and  White; 
Republicans  from  the  woods  of  Maine,  the  green  valleys  of 
all  New  England  and  'the  wild  where  rolls  the  Oregon ;' 
Republicans  from  the  Golden  Gate  and  the  old  plantation; 
Republicans  from  everywhere.  What  seems  a  brilliant 
festival,  is  but  the  rally  for  a  battle;  it  is  an  army  with 
banners." 

The  receptions  accorded  some  of  the  larger  Eastern 
delegations  upon  their  arrival  furnished  themes  for  much 
reportorial  rhetoric.  A  special  train  over  the  Michigan 
Central  brought  the  Massachusetts  and  other  New  England 
delegations.  Long  before  its  arrival  Monday  evening,  we 
read  that  "Michigan  Avenue,  Lake  Street  and  all  the 
avenues  leading  to  the  depot  were  thronged  with  an  eager 
crowd  of  all  New  Englanders  and  citizens,  all  expectant  of 
the  arrival  of  their  friends  and  old  neighbors.  Michigan 
avenue  was  finely  illuminated,  and  as  the  train  neared 
12th  street,  a  brilliant  rocket  announced  it  to  the  crowd. 
Another  rocket  streamed  from  Jackson  street;  a  cannon 
boomed  across  the  Basin;  the  bands  struck  up,  and  hearty 
cheers  from  the  thousands  of  New  England  throats  welcomed 
the  train  now  nearing  the  depot.  And  the  Wide-Awakes, 
with  gleaming  torches,  as  well  as  the  crowd,  took  up  their 
line  of  march  for  the  depot.  The  immense  interior  of  this 

2Schurz.     Reminiscences  II,  176. 

13 


terminal  (five  hundred  feet  in  length  by  one  hundred  and 
sixty-seven  in  width)  was  soon  packed  with  a  vast  throng. 
The  train  came  to  a  standstill,  and  then  the  crowd  with 
clapping  hands  and  huzzas  welcomed  their  old  friends  with 
a  genuine  New  England  warmth  and  zeal.  Gilmore's 
band  from  Boston,  which  was  aboard,  stepped  out  upon  the 
platform  and  played  an  air  in  splendid  style,  which  was 
received  with  hearty  cheers,  after  which  the  delegates 
were  escorted  to  their  various  hotels." 

At  the  same  time,  the  Michigan  Southern  train  was 
arriving  in  another  part  of  the  city  with  the  New  York 
and  other  delegations.  This  train,  so  a  newspaper  an 
nounced  the  next  day,  "accomplished  a  feat  in  railroad 
annals  that  will  long  stand  unsurpassed,  if  indeed  it  is  safe 
and  desirable"  to  repeat  the  performance.  This  great  feat 
consisted  in  covering  the  distance  between  Buffalo  and 
Chicago  in  fifteen  hours  and  a  half.  "What,"  said  this 
paper,  "would  the  pioneers  of  less  than  a  quarter  of  a  century . 
ago  have  thought  of  that?" 

The  character  and  behavior  of  the  New  York  contingent 
of  Seward  "boosters"  were  subjects  of  more  comment  in 
the  newspapers  than  was  true  of  any  other  delegation. 
"The  New  Yorkers  here,"  says  one  eyewitness,  "are  of  a 
class  unknown  to  the  Western  Republican  politicians. 
/  They  can  drink  more  whiskey,  swear  as  loud  and  long, 
sing  as  bad  songs,  and  'get  up  and  howl'  as  ferociously 
as  any  crowd  of  Democrats  you  ever  heard  or  heard  of. 
They  are  opposed,  as  they  say,  to  being  'too  damned 
virtuous.7  They  hoot  at  the  idea  that  Seward  could  not 
sweep  all  the  northern  states,  and  swear  that  he  would 
have  a  party  in  every  slave  state  in  less  than  a  year  that 
would  clean  out  the  disunionists  from  shore  to  shore.  .  . 
At  night  most  of  them  who  are  not  engaged  in  caucusing, 
are  doing  what  ill- tutored  youths  call  'raising  hell  gen- 


erally.'  Wherever  you  find  them,  the  New  York  politicians, 
of  whatever  party,  are  a  peculiar  party."  The  leader  of 
these  New  York  roustabouts,  it  may  be  interesting  to  add, 
was  no  less  a  distinguished  personage  than  one  Tom  Hyer, 
"a  noted  bruiser"  or  prize  fighter  of  that  day. 

But  delegates,  alternates  and  hired  boosters  constituted 
only  a  small  part  of  the  strangers  drawn  to  Chicago  from 
all  parts  of  the  country.  Special  rates  granted  by  Eastern 
railroads  of  $15  for  the  round  trip  from  Buffalo,  tickets 
good  for  fifteen  days,  duplicated  after  much  newspaper 
prodding  by  similar  concessions  from  the  Western  roads, 
helped  to  bring  together  a  number  variously  estimated  by 
the  glowing  newspaper  imagination  at  from  75,000  to 
125,000.  In  other  words,  Chicago's  population  may  have 
exactly  doubled  in  that  eventful .  week.  More  than  nine 
hundred  newspaper  men  applied  for  seats  on  the  platforrn 
as  press  correspondents,  whereas  space  had  been  reserved) 
for  only  sixty. 

Straw  votes,  as  we  should  call  them  today,  were  taken 
on  many  of  the  trains  crowded  with  convention  visitors, 
and  the  results  published  in  the  newspapers  from  day  to 
day  before  the  convention  opened.  One  such  a  ballot  on  a 
Michigan  Central  train  of  twelve  coaches  gave  Seward 
210  votes  to  30  for  all  other  candidates;  on  a  Chicago  & 
Northwestern  train,  Seward  had  127  and  all  others  44; 
on  a  Chicago  &  Rock  Island  train  of  ten  coaches,  Seward 
again  led  with  113  to  41  for  all  others.  On  these  three 
trains  no  vote  appears  to  have  been  cast  for  Lincoln;  but 
on  a  Chicago  and  Milwaukee  train,  Seward  had  368,  Lincoln 
93,  and  all  others  46;  while  on  a  New  Albany  &  Salem 
(Indiana)  train,  Lincoln  had  51,  Seward  43  and  131  were 
divided  among  other  candidates.  This  is  the  only  record 
of  a  straw  vote  which  I  have  found  in  which  Lincoln's 
vote  exceeded  that  of  Seward.  And  it  may  be  added  that 


these  straw  votes  so  overwhelmingly  favorable  to  Se ward's 
nomination,  were  a  fair  indication  of  the  personal  preference 
of  probably  the  great  majority  of  delegates  and  alternates 
when  this  epoch-making  convention  assembled  at  noon  on 
Wednesday,  May  16,  Seward's  fifty-ninth  birthday. 

Long  before  the  hour  of  opening  on  that  day,  the  streets 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Wigwam  were  thronged  by  thousands 
of  people  who  crowded  around  the  doors  and  windows, 
congregated  upon  the  bridge,  sat  on  the  curbstones,  and  in 
short,  made  use  of  every  available  inch  of  standing  room. 
"Ladies,  gentle  and  tender,"  we  read,  "whose  loyal  hands 
had  wrought  for  days  on  the  decorations  waited  long  and 
patiently  in  the  crowd  to  win  a  good  seat  where  they  might 
reap  their  well-earned  meed." 

At  half  past  eleven  the  three  twenty-foot  doors  on  Mar 
ket  street  were  opened,  slowly  at  first  and  only  to  ticket 
holders,  and  the  tide  began  to  flow  past  the  doorkeepers 
who  stood  with  "Roman  firmness."  When  all  the  ticket 
holders  were  in,  the  last  barrier"  was  removed  at  the  doors, 
and  one  grand  rush  filled  and  packed  every  part  of  the  hall. 
What  a  contrast  to  the  first  Republican  national  convention 
only  four  years  before!  Then  a  hall  seating  two  thousand 
had  been  sufficient  for  both  delegates  and  spectators:  now 
the  Wigwam  was  jammed,  and  perhaps  twenty  thousand 
people  were  outside  clamoring  for  admission.  No  conven 
tion  had  ever  attracted  such  a  crowd  of  onlookers. 

The  reservation  of  the  gallery  for  ladies  accompanied 
by  gentlemen  naturally  created  a  great  demand  among  the 
men  for  feminine  escorts.  School  girls  were  found  in  the 
street  and  given  a  quarter  each  to  see  a  gentleman  safely  in. 
One  girl  being  asked  to  take  a  gentleman  to  the  gallery  and 
offered  half  a  dollar  for  so  doing,  excused  herself  by  saying 
that  she  had  already  taken  two  men  in  at  each  of  the  three 
doors  and  was  afraid  of  arrest  if  she  carried  the  enterprise 

16 


any  further.  An  Irishwoman  passing  with  a  bundle  of 
clothes  under  her  arm  was  levied  upon  by  an  "irrepressible" 
and  seeing  him  safely  into  the  seats  reserved  for  ladies  and 
accompanying  gentlemen,  retired  with  her  fee  and  bundle. 
Even  an  Indian  squaw  who  was  selling  moccasins  was 
pressed  into  such  service.  "This  was  more  than  the  door 
keepers  could  stand  and  after  a  spirited  argument,  it  was 
decided  that  she  was  no  lady.  The  young  Republican 
protested  indignantly  against  the  policeman's  decision,  claim- 

equal  rights  for  all  womankind." 
While  the  delegates,  alternates,  newspaper  men  and  spec 
tators  are  finding  seats  or  standing  room,  we  may  rapidly 
single  out  some  of  the  principal  actors  in  the  drama  about 
to  begin.  As  chairman  of  the  New  York  delegation,  sits 
William  M.  Evarts,  orator  and  lawyer  of  national  reputa 
tion,  and  later  Secretary  of  State  under  President  Hayes. 
Caleb  B.  Smith,  shortly  to  become  Lincoln's  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  is  a  delegate-at-large  from  Indiana.  John  A. 
Andrew,  soon  to  become  the  famous  war  governor  of  Massa 
chusetts,  is  chairman  of  the  Old  Bay  State  delegation;  while 
just  behind  him  sits  George  S.  Boutwell,  later  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  under  President  Grant.  Gideon  Welles,  after 
wards  Lincoln's  efficient  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  leads  the 
Connecticut  delegation  as  they  march  to  their  seats.  Carl 
Schurz,  later  on  Senator  from  Missouri  and  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  now  heads  the  Wisconsin  delegation.  Old  Joshua 
Giddings  is  over  there  with  the  Ohio  delegation,  and  so  is 
Thomas  Cor  win,  whose  eloquent  oration  against  the  war 
with  Mexico  some  of  us  may  have  declaimed  in  undergrad 
uate  oratorical  contests.  That  curious-looking,  spectacled 
old  gentleman,  with  the  hair  of  nondescript  color  and 
lambrequin  variety  of  whiskers,  sitting  under  the  Oregon 
standard,  is  none  other  than  Horace  Greeley,  the  foremost 
newspaper  editor  of  his  generation.  That  individual  of 

17 


mammoth  proportions  under  the  Illinois  standard  is  Judge 
David  Davis,  Lincoln's  campaign  manager;  and  that  dele 
gate  who  comes  limping  to  his  seat  with  the  Pennsylvanians 
is  Thaddeus  Stevens,  later  the  evil  genius  of  radical  Repub 
licanism  during  Reconstruction. 

V  |     Unlike  the  Republican  conventions  of  1908  and  1912,  in 
which  senators,  congressmen  and  national  committeemen 
were  conspicuous  and  at  times  offensively  so,  there  were  in 
the  convention  of  1860,  only  two   senators  (Simmons  of 
Rhode  Island  and  King  of  New  York),  four  representatives, 
and  five  national  committeemen.    As  to  the  general  appear- 
?mce  of  the  assembled  delegations,  the  Chicago   Times,  a 
F    Democratic  newspaper,  bore  reluctant  testimony  that  "the 
]     representatives  personally  are  perhaps  as  fine  a  looking  body 
\of  men  as  ever  assembled  in  the  Union.    No  one  who  should 
see  them  would  ever  suppose  they  entertained  the  extrava 
gant  and  dangerous  political  sentiments  that  they  pretend 
to  believe  in." 

Contemplating  the  scene  before  him  on  the  opening  day, 
the  editor  of  the  Journal  began  an  editorial  with  these 
winged  words:— 

" . . . .  The  scene  is  such  as  a  man  beholds  but  once  in  a 
lifetime.  Along  a  thousand  lines  of  a  continent's  open  palm. 
Wisdom  and  Patriotism  have  come  pilgrims,  and  the  men  on 
two  seaboards  are  waiting  for  a  voice  from  Chicago.  That 
voice  will  utter  a  name,  and  its  syllables  will  flash  along  the 
lightning's  spidery  web  from  border  to  border;  unnumbered 
tongues  will  speak  it;  unnumbered  pens  record  it;  hearts  will 
cherish  it;  hands  will  uphold  it.  It  will  be  a  name  to  rally 
a  host,  to  win  a  battle,  to  honor  a  principle,  to  bless  a  land. 
These  men  sitting  in  counsel  to-day  are  doing  no  perishable 
work;  no  'prentice  business  that  journeymen  will  revise; 
they  are  making  history;  they  are  adding  a  chapter  to  the 
story  of  a  struggle  that  has  slavery  on  one  side  and  liberty 

18 


on  the  other;  they  are  taking  care  of  a  legacy;  and  they  will 
do  their  work  well. ..." 

But  this  rhapsody  was  probably  interrupted  at  ten 
minutes  past  twelve,  for  at  that  moment  Governor  Morgan 
of  New  York,  chairman  of  the  national  committee,  stepped 
forward  to  call  the  convention  to  order  and  read  the  call  for 
the  Convention.  This  call  was  significantly  addressed  not 
only  to  "the  Republican  electors  of  the  several  States,"  but 
to  "the  members  of  the  People's  party  of  Pennsylvania  and 
of  the  Opposition  party  of  New  Jersey."  These  names  were 
convenient  aliases  for  the  Republican  party  in  those  two 
States,  and  the  presence  of  delegations  from  those  States 
proved  a  decisive  factor  before  the  convention  adjourned. 

After  the  call  had  been  read,  David  Wilmot  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  author  of  the  famous  Wilmot  Proviso  of  1846  which 
we  wrestled  with  back  hi  the  grammar  school,  was  chosen 
temporary  chairman  amid  "vociferous  cheering,"  and  made 
the  customary  "keynote  speech,"  after  which  the  work  of 
temporary  organization  proceeded.  Temporary  secretaries 
were  named,  and  committees  on  permanent  organization,  on 
credentials,  and  on  rules  and  order  of  business  announced. 
About  two  o'clock  the  convention  voted  to  adjourn  until 
five  o'clock;  but  not  until  an  astonishing  amount  of  time 
had  been  consumed  in  discussing  an  invitation  from  the 
Chicago  Board  of  Trade  to  delegates  and  visitors  to  take  a 
short  excursion  on  Lake  Michigan.  The  excursion  was  to 
leave  the  dock  at  Rush  street  bridge,  near  the  Richmond 
House  at  five  o'clock,  the  very  hour  proposed  for  the  con 
vention  to  reassemble.  When  this  invitation  was  first 
announced,  Judge  Goodrich  of  Minnesota,  casting  his  eye 
"about  this  vast  tabernacle,  reared  by  the  taste  and  munifi 
cence  of  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  Chicago,  and  tendered 
to  the  great  Republican  cause  without  money  and  without 
price,"  said  he  "apprehended  that  every  delegate  in  the  con- 

19 


vention  would  respond  aye  to  the  invitation."  And  so  they  did. 
But  when  later  five  o'clock  had  been  fixed  upon  as  the  hour  for 
reconvening,  there  ensued  a  discussion  filling  three  or  four 
closely  printed  pages  of  the  official  proceedings  respecting 
the  demands  of  courtesy  toward  the  Board  of  Trade  on  the 
one  hand,  and  on  the  other  hand,  the  duty  of  the  convention 
to  place  business  before  pleasure.  Finally,  a  motion  to 
reconsider  the  acceptance  of  the  invitation  was  carried  and 
upon  reconsideration  the  matter  was  referred  to  a  small 
committee  to  adjust  with  the  Board  of  Trade  which  had 
already  taken  steps  necessary  for  the  assembling  of  its  lake 
fleet. 

Although  the  interval  between  the  first  two  sessions  of  the 
convention  was  of  three  hours  duration  and  the  audience 
at  the  close  of  the  morning  session  had  been  requested  to 
vacate  the  hall  in  order  that  the  carpenters  might  put  in 
some  finishing  strokes  upon  the  Wigwam,  "an  immense 
crowd  of  people"  waited  during  the  entire  intermission, 
preferring  to  be  sure  of  a  seat  or  standing  room  rather  than 
take  any  chances. 

At  the  five  o'clock  session,  Hon.  George  Ashmun  of  Massa 
chusetts,  was  chosen  permanent  chairman;  and  Preston 
King  of  New  York  and  Carl  Schurz  of  Wisconsin  were 
named  a  committee  to  escort  the  chairman  to  the  platform. 
Senator  King  is  described  as  "short  and  round  as  a  barrel 
and  fat  as  butter,  "while  Schurz  was  very  tall  and  very  slender. 
"When,"  says  Schurz,  "the  Senator  and  I  met  in  the  aisle 
to  walk  together  to  Mr.  Ashmun's  seat  and  thus  to  perform 
a  function  intended  to  be  somewhat  solemn,  and  the  Senator 
looked  up  at  me  and  I  looked  down  at  him,  a  broad  smile 
overspread  his  jocund  face,  to  which  I  could  not  help  re 
sponding.  The  suggestion  of  Don  Quixote  and  Sancho  Panza 
was  too  striking  for  the  assembled  multitudes  to  resist  and 
a  titter  ran  over  the  convention." 


20 


Mr.  Ashmun  was  "speedily  discovered  to  be  an  excellent 
presiding  officer,  a  treasure  to  the  convention."  His  clear, 
full-toned  voice  was  one  refreshing  to  hear  amid  the  conven 
tion  clamors.  His  speech  upon  assuming  the  chair  was 
described  as  "very  good  for  the  occasion,  and  delivered  with 
just  warmth  enough.  He  was  animated  and  yet  his  emo 
tion  did  not  get  the  better  of  him."  Following  that,  Mr. 
Judd  of  Illinois  "on  behalf  of  one  of  the  working  mechanic 
Republicans  of  Chicago"  (Mr.  C.  G.  Thomas),  presented  the 
chairman  with  a  gavel,  "beautifully  wrought,  finished  and 
ornamented  with  ivory  and  silver;  and  made  from  a  piece 
of  oak  taken  from  Commodore  Perry's  flag-ship,  the 
Lawrence.11 

At  this  session  also  the  permanent  organization  of  the 
convention  was  perfected,  and  a  committee  on  resolutions 
appointed  to  draft  the  platform.  Mr.  D.  D.  Pratt  of 
Logansport,  Indiana,  was  chosen  reading  clerk,  and  won 
"the  admiration  of  everybody"  before  the  convention  was 
over.  "His  stentorian  voice  filled  the  vast  hall,"  said  the 
Tribune,  "and  every  word  that  he  uttered  was  heard  to  the 
farthest  corner  of  the  immense  building,  clear  and  loud  above 
the  din  and  uproar  created  by  the  myriad  of  excited  people. 
He  is  endowed,"  continues  this  description,  "with  lungs  of 
brass  and  clarion  vocal  powers,  the  one  never  tiring  and  the 
other  superior  to  all  competing  sounds." 

At  an  early  hour  Wednesday  evening  the  convention 
adjourned  until  ten  o'clock  the  next  forenoon.  Many 
delegates  and  visitors  seem  to  have  taken  advantage  of  the 
invitation  of  the  Board  of  Trade  for  a  sail  on  the  Lake 
that  evening.  "Four  vessels  were  lashed  together  and 
accommodated  the  excursion  very  pleasantly.  The  Garden 
City  Band  furnished  the  music."  Others  attended  the 
exhibition  drill  in  the  Wigwam  given  by  the  United  States 
Zouave  Cadets.  Those  who,  like  Mr.  Tracy  of  California, 


21 


had  come  a  long  way  and  were  tired  from  their  trip  and  the 
excitement  of  the  first  day,  doubtless  retired  early;  but 
many  others  kept  up  the  excitement  nearly  all  night.  The 
Pennsylvania  delegation,  to  mention  only  one,  "came  out 
in  procession,  led  off  by  their  fine  bands"  with  which  they 
passed  through  the  principal  streets.  At  two  o'clock  in 
the  morning  a  part  of  the  Missouri  delegation  were  singing 
songs  in  their  parlor,  and  "there  were  still  a  crowd  of 
fellows  caucusing — and  glasses  were  still  clinking  in  the 
bar-rooms,  and  far  down  the  street  a  band  was  making  the 
night  musical." 

As  the  hour  drew  near  for  the  convention  to  reconvene 
Thursday  morning,  the  Seward  men,  all  wearing  badges, 
formed  a  big  and  picturesque  procession  in  front  of  the 
Richmond  House,  and  marched  away  in  a  cloud  of  dust  to 
the  Wigwam,  preceded  by  a  splendidly  uniformed  band 
which  was  playing  with  greatest  enthusiasm,  "Oh,  Isn't  He 
a  Darling,"  one  of  the  popular  airs  of  the  day.  The  same 
immense  crowds  as  on  the  first  day  swarmed  in  and  around 
the  Wigwam  long  before  the  opening  of  the  forenoon  session. 
"The  galleries  especially  presented  a  galaxy  of  brilliancy 
and  beauty,  being  densely  crowded  with  ladies.  Gilmore's 
fine  Boston  band  discoursed  their  glorious  music  for  some 
minutes  previous  to  the  opening  and  were  rewarded  with  the 
V  enthusiastic  plaudits  of  the  immense  throng  present." 

The  forenoon  session  of  Thursday  was  devoid  of  any  very 
exciting  incidents.  The  only  matters  under  consideration 
were  the  reports  of  committees  on  rules  of  order  and  business 
and  the  report  of  the  committee  on  credentials.  There 
was  a  lengthy  debate  upon  the  question  of  admitting  dele 
gates  from  the  territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  and  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  from  the  slave  states  of  Maryland, 
Virginia,  Texas  and  Kentucky.  Ultimately  the  delegations 


22 


from  these  states  were  seated,  and  a  recess  taken  until 
3:15  p.  m. 

At  the  afternoon  session  of  Thursday  the  incidents  of 
chief  importance  arose  in  connection  with  the  adoption  of 
the  party  platform.  The  reading  of  the  platform  reported  by 
the  committee  on  resolutions  was,  according  to  the  official 
record,  "interrupted  by  tremendous  bursts  of  applause, 
the  most  enthusiastic  and  long-continued"  being  given, 
it  may  surprise  us  to  know,  to  clauses  favoring  a  protective 
tariff  and  the  enactment  of  a  free  homestead  law.  The 
last  appealed  especially  to  the  middle  West  and  the  laboring 
classes  in  the  Eastern  cities,  while  the  former  received 
tumultuous  applause  from  Pennsylvania,  then  as  now  the 
citadel  of  Protectionism.  Indeed,  in  the  campaign  which 
ensued  comparatively  little  was  said  in  Pennsylvania  on 
the  slavery  question  by  Republican  speakers,  but  great 
emphasis  was  laid  upon  the  tariff  plank. 

The  committee  which  drafted  the  platform  desired  a  cam 
paign  document  free  from  radicalism  and  idealism  ;Jn_other 
words,  a  platform  that  would  appeal  strongly  to  conser 
vative  and  practical  men.  Consequently  a  few  radical 
and  idealistic  passages  appearing  in  the  platform  of  1856 
were  omitted  in  the  draft  reported  to  the  convention, 
notably  that  well-known  quotation  from  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  beginning,  "We  solemnly  assert  the  self- 
evident  truths  that  all  men  are  endowed  by  their  Creator 
with  certain  inalienable  rights,"  etc.  This  omission  led 
to  the  only  dramatic  incident  of  the  afternoon.  That  old, 
white-haired,  battle-scarred  veteran  of  the  anti-slavery 
fight,  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,  believing  that  these 
phrases  expressed  one  of  the  most  fundamental  principles  of 
the  Republican  party,  seized  the  first  opportunity  to  move 
in  a  brief  but  impassioned  speech  the  amendment  of  the 
platform  by  the  re-insertion  of  the  omitted  passage.  Almost 

33 


immediately,  the  convention  rather  brusquely  and  over 
whelmingly  voted  the  amendment  down.  Feeling  humil 
iated  and  wounded  in  his  most  cherished  philosophy,  Gid- 
dings  rose  and  walked  out  of  the  Wigwam,  while  the  con 
vention  proceeded  to  discuss  other  parts  of  the  platform. 
George  William  Curtis,  one  of  the  youngest  of  the  New  York 
delegates  and  afterwards  the  most  eloquent  apostle  of  civil 
service  reform,  realizing  the  inexpediency  of  alienating  the 
large  number  of  voters  who  shared  Giddings'  radical  and 
idealistic  principles,  soon  sprang  to  his  chair  and  renewed 
Giddings'  amendment  in  slightly  different  form,  supporting 
his  motion  in  a  short  speech  which  even  the  formal  record 
says  was  interrupted  with  "tremendous  cheering"  and 
followed  by  "terrific  applause."  "I  have  to  ask  this  con 
vention,"  said  Curtis,  "the  second  national  convention  the 
Republican  party  has  ever  held — I  have  to  ask  this  conven 
tion  whether  they  are  prepared  to  go  upon  the  record  and 
before  the  country  as  voting  down  the  words  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence?  I  have,  sir,  in  the  amendment  which 
I  have  introduced  quoted  simply  and  only  from  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence.  Bear  in  mind  that  in  Philadelphia 
in  1856,  the  convention  of  this  same  great  party  was  not 
afraid  to  announce  those  [principles]  by  which  alone  the 
Republican  party  lives  and  upon  which  alone  the  future  of 
this  country  in  the  hands  of  the  Republican  party  is  passing. 
Now,  sir,  I  ask  gentlemen  gravely  to  consider  that  in  the 
amendment  which  I  have  proposed,  I  have  done  nothing 
that  the  soundest  and  safest  man  in  all  the  land  might  not 
do;  and  I  rise  simply  ...  to  ask  gentlemen  to  think 
well  before,  upon  the  free  prairies  of  the  West,  in  the  sum 
mer  of  1860,  they  dare  to  wince  and  quail  before  the  men 
who  in  Philadelphia  in  1776 — in  Philadelphia,  in  the  arch- 
keystone  State,  so  amply,  so  nobly  represented  upon  this 
platform  today — before  they  dare  to  shrink  from  repeating 

24 


the  words  that  these  great  men  enunciated."  His  words 
electrified  the  convention,  we  are  told,  and  carried  such 
conviction,  that  the  amendment  was  adopted.  So  the 
venerable  Giddings  was  placated  and  returned  to  the  con 
vention. 

Then  came  the  adoption  of  the  platform  as  a  whole  by 
a  unanimous  vote,  followed  by  a  demonstration  thus 
described  by  the  editor  of  the  Journal: — 

"Of  all  the  manifestations  of  enthusiasm  that  we  have 
ever  witnessed  anywhere  or  on  any  occasion,  that  in  the 
Wigwam  immediately  succeeding  the  adoption  of  the 
platform  by  the  convention  yesterday  after 
noon  was  the  wildest,  the  most  spontaneous  and  the  most 
exciting.  The  chairman  announced  the  vote,  'carried 
unanimously.7  In  an  instant,  as  if  all  hearts  in  the  vast 
hall  had  been  linked  together  by  an  electric  cord,  that 
immense  concourse  of  people,  delegates  and  spectators, 
numbering  in  all  not  less  than  fifteen  thousand  souls,  sprang 
to  their  feet,  and  cheers  upon  cheers,  deafening,  tumultuous, 
and  rapturous,  went  up  from  every  throat.  Men  waved 
their  hats,  ladies  their  handkerchiefs,  reporters  their 
written  pages  and  all  screamed  with  very  joy.  This  wild 
excitement  was  kept  up  for  some  ten  or  fifteen  minutes. 
It  was  a  scene  that  can  never  be  forgotten  by  those  present, 
a  spectacle  that  was  worth  a  man's  lifetime  to  witness. 
It  made  one  feel  good  all  over.  It  was  a  manifestation  of 
earnest  feeling,  a  gushing  out  of  the  heart's  fullness,  a 
demonstration  of  the  honest  and  ardent  sincerity  of  those 
who  love  a  great  Principle  for  its  own  sake  .  .  ." 

When  this  demonstration  had  subsided,  some  one  moved 
that  the  convention  proceed  to  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  W 
the  presidency,  and  had  that  motion  prevailed,  there  is 
little  doubt  that  Seward  would  have  been  nominated  that 
night;  but  fortunately  at  that  moment  the  secretary  an- 

25 


nounced  that  the  papers  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  keep 
ing  the  tally,  although  prepared,  were  not  at  hand,  but 
would  arrive  in  a  few  minutes.  Whereupon,  "a  Voice" 
was  heard  moving  that  "this  convention  adjourn  until 
ten  o'clock  tomorrow  morning. "  The  motion  was  carried, 
and  the  morrow  gave  us  Abraham  Lincoln. 

But  that  result  was  not  foreseen  by  all,  not  even  by  the 
best  informed  delegates;  for  at  11:40  o'clock  that  night 
Horace  Greeley,  who  had  been  bending  every  energy  to 
compass  Seward's  defeat,  deemed  the  fight  hopeless  and 
telegraphed  the  New  York  Tribune,  "My  conclusion,  from 
all  that  I  can  gather  tonight  is  that  the  opposition  to  Gov 
ernor  Seward  can*  not  concentrate  on  any  candidate,  and 
that  he  will  be*  nominated."  That  night  champagne 
flowed  freely  at  tie  Seward  headquarters  in  the  Richmond 
House  in  celebration  of  the  expected  victory,  and  Seward 
bands  went  the  rounds  serenading  the  different  delegations 
whose  support  was  expected.  To  these  revellers,  the  battle 

jmed  all  over  but  the  shouting. 

But  soberer  and  sobering  influences  had  been  quietly 
at  work  against  Seward  ever  since  the  delegates  had  begun 
to  arrive  in  the  city.  Chief  among  these  factors  operating 
against  Seward's  nomination  were  Henry  S.  Lane,  the 
Republican  candidate  for  Governor  of  Indiana,  and  Andrew 
Gregg  Curtin,  the  candidate  of  the  People's  party  for 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  In  each  of  these  states  there 
existed  a  strong  remnant  of  the  old  Native  American  or 
Know-No  thing  party  of  the  early  fifties,  which  would  have 
none  of  Seward  because  of  his  former  hostility  to  that 
party.  The  Indiana  delegation  was  now  actively  working 
for  the  nomination  of  Lincoln,  while  the  Pennsylvania 
delegation  was  pledged  to  support  Simon  Cameron.  In 
New  Jersey  the  Opposition  party,  as  it  called  itself,  was 
also  hostile  to  Seward  for  similar  reasons,  and  was  now 

26 


supporting  William  L.  Dayton  as  the  "favorite  son"  of 
that  State.  Illinois  could  be  carried  only  by  a  candidate 
able  to  develop  great  strength  against  Stephen  A.  Douglas 
who  was  certain  to  be  the  candidate  of  the  Northern  wing 
of  the  Democratic  party.  JLincoln  had  in  1858  proved  his 
superiority  over  Douglas  as  a  vote-getter  in  Illinois  in  the 
senatorial  campaign  of  thaLyear.  Accordingly  the  Illinois 
delegation  had  been  instructed  only  a  week  before  to  vote 
for  Lincoln's  nomination.  Murat  Halstead  thus  described 
the  situation  in  his  despatches  to  the  Cincinnati  Com 
mercial:  "The  Pennsylvanians  declare  if  Seward  were 
nominated  they  would  be  immediately  ruined.  They  could 
do  nothing.  The  majority  against  them  would  be  counted 
by  tens  of  thousands.  New  Jerseyites  say  the  same  thing. 
The  Indianians  are  of  the  same  opinion.  They  look  broken 
hearted  at  the  suggestion  that  Seward  has  the  inside  track, 
and  throw  up  their  hands  in  despair.  They  say  Lane  will 
be  beaten,  the  legislature  pass  utterly  into  the  hands  of  the 
Democrats  and  the  two  Republican  senators  hoped  for 
heard  of  no  more.  Illinois  agonizes  at  the  mention  of 
Seward,  and  says  he  is  the  sting  of  political  death.  His 
nomination  would  kill  off  [Senator]  Trumbull  and  give  the 
legislature  into  the  hands  of  the  Democrats  .  .  ." 

The  absolute  necessity  for  the  Republicans  to  carry  at 
least  three  of  these  states  at  the  November  election  in  order 
to  win  the  Presidency,  and  the  certainty  that  Seward  would 
prove  fatally  weak  in  those  states,  convinced  many  delegates 
that  his  nomination  would  be  inexpedient.  Other  dele 
gates  were  convinced  that  Seward  was  generally  regarded 
as  too  radical  on  the  slavery  question;  while  others  were 
moved  by  the  fact  that  Seward's  machine  in  New  York 
had  been  recently  involved  in  more  or  less  shady  franchise 
legislation  in  Albany  for  the  benefit  of  certain  street  rail 
way  magnates  in  New  York  City  who,  it  was  believed, 

27 


were  contributing  generously  to  Seward's  campaign  fund. 
The  problem  before  the  anti-Seward  forces,  therefore,  was 
to  find  a  candidate  upon  whom  the  delegations  from  these 
four  states  could  unite  when  the  time  came  for  balloting. 
All  these  considerations  were  driven  home  by  Lane  and 
Curtin  and  their  co-workers  as  they  went  about  from  one 
delegation  to  another  the  day  and  night  preceding  the 
balloting.  To  such  efforts  and  to  such  considerations  is  to 
be  attributed  Seward's  defeat  on  the  morrow,  for  in  all 
respects  in  which  Seward  was  weak,  Lincoln,  although 
comparatively  unknown,  was  shown  to  be  strong.  His 
nomination  was  therefore  peculiarly  the  triumph  of  avail 
ability,  of  party  expediency  over  prominence  and  personal 
popularity. 

Years  afterwards  the  story  of  just  how  Lincoln's  nomina 
tion  was  prearranged  was  thus  related  in  the  Century 
magazine3  by  Thomas  H.  Dudley,  a  delegate-at-large  from 
the  State  of  New  Jersey.  About  noon  on  Thursday,  a 
caucus  of  the  delegations  from  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Indiana  and  Illinois  was  held  at  the  Cameron  headquarters 
in  the  Briggs  House,  presided  over  by  Governor  Reeder  of 
Pennsylvania.  After  prolonged  discussion  it  was  found 
that  no  agreement  could  then  be  reached.  But  a  committee 
of  three  from  each  state  was  appointed  which  met  in  the 
rooms  of  David  Wilmot  about  six  o'clock  that  evening  and 
remained  in  session  until  eleven  o'clock  minutely  canvassing 
the  entire  situation.  About  ten  o'clock  the  white  head  of 
Horace  Greeley  appeared  at  the  door  and  inquired  if  any 
agreement  had  been  reached,  and  was  told  that  nothing 
had  been  done.  Soon  after  Greeley  left4,  the  committee 
computed  as  accurately  as  possible  the  probable  voting 
strength  of  the  anti-Seward  candidates  before  the  con- 

sCentury,  XL,  477. 

4It  was  after  this  that  Greeley  sent  his  telegram  to  the  Tribune. 


28 


vention,  and  it  was  found  that  Lincoln  was  the  strongest, 
that  he  could  obtain  more  votes  than  either  Cameron  or 
Dayton.  Thereupon,  a  member  from  New  Jersey  offered 
to  urge  upon  the  delegation  from  that  state  the  wisdom  of 
withdrawing  Dayton  and  supporting  Lincoln,  provided  the 
Pennsylvania  members  of  the  committee  would  agree  to 
recommend  to  their  state  delegation  the  same  action  in  the 
case  of  Cameron.  With  some  reluctance  this  was  finally 
agreed  to,  and  the  committee  of  twelve  adjourned.  About 
one  o'clock  Friday  morning,  the  New  Jersey  delegation 
was  brought  together  in  a  caucus.  It  was  then  decided  to 
accept  the  proposal  to  support  Lincoln  after  giving  a  com 
plimentary  vote  to  Dayton  on  the  first  ballot.  The  Penn 
sylvania  delegation  met  in  caucus  about  nine  o'clock 
Friday  morning,  and  arrived  at  the  same  decision  with 
respect  to  Cameron  only  a  short  time  before  the  re-assem 
bling  of  the  convention.  Thus  the  final  arrangements  were 
perfected  which  insured  Lincoln's  nomination  a  few  hours 
later. 

/  The  expectation  amounting  almost  to  a  certainty,  that 
/  the  question  which  had  been  uppermost  in  the  minds  of 
/  visitors  and  delegates  alike,  ever  since  their  arrival  in 

/  Chicago,  would  be  answered  that  day,  drew  an  immense 
throng  around  the  Wigwam  Friday  forenoon.  When  after 

I  two  or  three  hours  of  waiting  the  doors  were  opened,  thou 
sands,  keyed  to  the  highest  pitch  of  political  excitement, 
poured  into  the  building,  filling  every  nook  and  cranny  of 

I      available  sitting  or  standing  room. 

After  a  few  comparatively  unimportant  matters  were 
^disposed  of,  the  chairman  announced  that  nominations  were 
in  order.  Immediately  Mr.  Evarts  of  New  York  obtained 
recognition.  "I  take  the  liberty,"  said  he,  "to  name  as  a 
candidate  to  be  nominated  by  this  convention  for  the  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States,  William  H.  Seward." 

29 


He  was  instantly  followed  by  Mr.  Judd  of  Illinois,  whose 
nominating  speech  was  equally  brief :  "I  desire,  on  behalf  of  the 
delegation  from  Illinois,  to  put  in  nomination  as  a  candidate 
for  President  of  the  United  States,  Abraham  Lincoln  of 
Illinois."  In  this  simple  fashion,  with  no  long-winded  or 
nerve-racking  eulogies,  two  of  the  greatest  names  in  the 
annals  of  the  Republican  party  were  placed  in  nomination: 
the  day  of  "Plumed  Knight"  speeches  was  sixteen  years  in 
the  future.  Mr.  Dudley  of  New  Jersey  presented  the  name 
of  William  L.  Dayton,  the  "favorite  son"  of  that  state. 
Mr.  Reeder,  former  governor  of  Kansas  Territory,  presented 
the  name  of  Simon  Cameron,  the  founder  of  the  present 
Republican  machine  in  Pennsylvania.  Mr.  Cartter  of 
Ohio  nominated  Salmon  P.  Chase;  F.  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  of  Mis 
souri  presented  the  name  of  Greeley's  candidate,  Edward 
Bates,  afterwards  the  Attorney- General  of  Lincoln's  cabinet; 
Mr.  Corwin  nominated  Judge  John  McLean  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court.  A  few  equally  brief  seconding 
speeches  followed. 

Murat  Halstead's  description  of  how  these  nominations 
y&  were  received  is  too  graphic  to  be  condensed.  "When  the 
candidates  were  put  in  nomination,  the  only  names  that 
produced  'tremendous  applause'  were  those  of  Seward  and 
Lincoln.  Everybody  felt  that  the  fight  was  between  them, 
and  yielded  accordingly.  Mr.  Seward  was  first  nominated 
and  the  applause  was  enthusiastic.  The  next  nomination 
was  that  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  response  was 
prodigious,  rising  and  raging  far  beyond  the  Seward  shriek. 
Presently  Caleb  B.  Smith  (of  Indiana)  seconded  the  nom 
ination  of  Lincoln,  and  the  response  was  absolutely  terrific. 
It  now  became  the  Seward  men  to  make  another  effort, 
and  Blair  of  Michigan  seconded  his  nomination,  and 


At  once  there  rose  so  wild  a  yell, 
Within  that  dark  and  narrow  dell, 
As  all  the  fiends  from  Heaven  that  fell, 
Had  pealed  the  banner  cry  of  Hell. 

The  effect  was  startling.  Hundreds  of  persons  stopped 
their  ears  in  pain.  The  shouting  was  absolutely  frantic, 
shrill  and  wild.  No  Comanches  or  panthers  ever  struck 
a  higher  note  or  gave  to  a  scream  more  infernal  intensity. 
Looking  from  the  stage  over  the  vast  amphitheatre,  nothing 
was  to  be  seen  below  but  thousands  of  hats — a  black, 
mighty  swarm  of  hats — flying  with  the  velocity  of  hornets 
over  a  mass  of  human  heads,  most  of  the  mouths  of  which 
as  appeared  were  open.  Above,  all  around  the  galleries, 
hats  and  handkerchiefs  were  flying  in  the  tempest  together. 
The  wonder  of  the  thing  was  that  the  Seward  outside 
pressure  should,  so  far  from  New  York,  be  so  powerful. 

"Now  the  Abe  Lincoln  men  had  to  try  it  again,  and  Mr. 
Delano  of  Ohio,  on  behalf  of  a  portion  of  the  delegation  of 
that  State,  seconded  the  nomination  of  Lincoln  [as  'a  man 
who  can  split  rails  and  maul  Democrats']  and  the  uproar 
that  followed  was  beyond  description.  Imagine  all  the 
hogs  ever  slaughtered  in  Cincinnati  [then  the  Porkopolis 
of  the  West],  giving  their  death  squeals  together,  and  a 
score  of  big  steam  whistles  going  together  (steam  at  160 
pounds  per  inch),  and  you  conceive  something  of  the  same 
nature.  I  thought  the  Seward  yell  could  not  be  surpassed; 
but  the  Lincoln  boys  were  clearly  ahead,  and  feeling  their 
victory,  as  there  was  a  lull  in  the  storm,  they  took  deep 
breaths  all  round  and  gave  a  concentrated  shriek  that  was 
positively  awful,  and  accompanied  it  with  stamping  that 
made  every  plank  and  pillar  in  the  building  quiver  .  .  . 
The  New  York,  Michigan  and  Wisconsin  delegations  sat; 
together  and  were  in  this  tempest  very  quiet.  Many  of 


their  faces  whitened  as  the  Lincoln  yawp  swelled  into  a 
wild  hosanna  of  victory  .  .  .  ." 

Then  came  the  roll-call  of  the  States  in  geographical  order 
beginning  with  New  England,  for  the  first  ballot.  The 
vote  stood:  whole  number  cast,  465;  necessary  to  a  choice, 
233;  Seward  had  173^,  Lincoln  102,  with  Cameron  of  Penn 
sylvania  third  with  50^/2.  There  being  no  choice,  the 
convention  forthwith  proceeded  to  a  second  ballot.  During 
the  balloting  it  was  announced  that  the  name  of  General 
Cameron  of  Pennsylvania  had  been  withdrawn.  The 
result  of  the  ballot  was:  Seward,  184j^,  a  gain  of  eleven 
votes,  and  Lincoln,  181,  a  gain  of  79.  At  this  announce 
ment  there  was  "tremendous  applause."  Chase  of  Ohio 
now  stood  third  with  42j^  votes,  a  loss  of  six  and  a  half. 
There  again  being  no  choice,  the  third  ballot  was  begun 
amid  the  most  intense  excitement.  As,  however,  the  con 
test  narrowed  down  the  crowd  became  silent.  Most  of  the 
delegates  and  many  spectators  had  tally  sheets  in  order  to 
keep  track  of  the  balloting  as  it  progressed.  When  the 
roll  of  the  States  had  been  called  and  every  State  had  voted, 
the  ballot  stood  Seward  180,  a  loss  of  four  and  a  half,  while 
Lincoln  had  231^2,  and  lacked  only  one  and  a  half  of  the 
number  necessary  to  nominate.  While  these  totals  were 
being  footed  up,  "a  profound  stillness  suddenly  fell  upon  the 
\Vigwam;  the  men  ceased  to  talk  and  the  ladies  to  flutter 
their  fans;  one  could  distinctly  hear  the  scratching  of  pencils 
and  the  ticking  of  telegraph  instruments  on  the  reporters' 
tables." 

Before  the  result  could  be  officially  announced,  and  amid 
great  confusion,  Mr.  Cartter  of  Ohio  sprang  to  his  chair 
and,  when  the  confusion  momentarily  subsided,  announced 
the  change  of  four  Ohio  votes  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  At  that  moment 
"a  man  who  had  been  on  the  roof  and  was  engaged  in  com 
municating  the  result  of  the  ballotings  to  the  mighty  mass 

32 


of  outsiders,  now  demanded  by  gestures  to  know  what  had 
happened.  One  of  the  secretaries,  with  a  tally  sheet  in 
his  hands,  shouted,  Tire  the  salute!  Abe  Lincoln  is  nomin 
ated!  '"  Then,  says  the  Tribune  report,  "A  deafening  roar 
of  stentorian  applause  arose  from  the  immense  multitude 
such  as  had  never  been  equalled  on  the  American  continent 
nor  since  the  day  that  the  walls  of  Jericho  were  blown 
down." 

The  change  of  Ohio's  four  votes  was  the  signal  for  a  rapid 
succession  of  "leaps  into  the  band-wagon,"  in  modern 
political  parlance,  on  the  part  of  delegations  that  had  not 
voted  for  the  successful  candidate,  all  of  which  took  place 
amid  the  wildest  demonstrations.  "A  photograph  of  Abe 
Lincoln  which  had  hung  in  one  of  the  side  rooms  was  brought 
in  and  held  up  before  the  screaming  masses/'  who  there 
upon  seized  the  standards  on  which  the  names  of  the  States 
were  printed,  tore  them  from  their  moorings,  and  waved 
*  them  aloft  in  delirious  joy. 

\      Finally,  partial  quiet  was  restored,  and  the  vote  was 

)  officially  announced  by  the  Secretary:    whole  number  of 

/  votes  cast,  466;  necessary  to  a  choice,  234;  for  Abraham 

/  Lincoln  of  Illinois,  364  votes.    The  chairman  then  declared 

/    "Abraham  Lincoln  of  Illinois  is  selected  as  your  candidate 

/    for  President  of  the  United  States."     "Thunders  of  ap- 

/     plause,"  reads  the  parenthetical  and  laconic  note  in  the 

/       official  record.     But,  as  John  A.  Andrew  described  the 

/       scene  a  few  days  later  in  a  speech  in  Boston:     "There 

/         arose  a  peal  of  human  voices,  a  grand  chorus  of  exultation, 

the  like  of  which  has  not  been  heard  in  earth  since  the 

\         morning  stars  first  sang  together  and  the  sons  of  God 

\        shouted  for  joy." 

As  the  cheering  inside  the  Wigwam  momentarily 
died  down,  "we  could  hear,"  says  Halstead,  "the  cheering 
outside,  where  the  news  of  the  nomination  had  just  been 

33 


announced.  And  the  roar,  like  the  breaking  up  of  the  foun 
tains  of  the  great  deep  that  was  heard  gave  a  new  impulse 
to  the  enthusiasm  inside.  Then  the  thunders  of  the  salute 
arose  above  the  din,  and  the  shouting  was  repeated  with 
such  tremendous  fury  that  some  discharges  of  the  cannon 
were  absolutely  not  heard  by  those  on  the  stage.  Puffs 
of  smoke,  drifting  by  the  open  doors  and  the  srnell  of  gun 
powder  told  what  was  going  on." 

Anyone  who  has  attended  an  exciting  national  conven 
tion  will  find  it  easy  to  believe  the  editor  of  the  Tribune 
when  he  said,  "It  is  absolutely  impossible  to  describe,  as  it 
is  equally  impossible  for  one  who  was  not  present  to  imagine, 
the  scene  in  the  Wigwam  when  Mr.  Lincoln  was  nominated. 
Without  attempting,  therefore,"  he  continues,  "to  convey 
an  idea  of  the  delirious  cheer,  the  Babel  of  joy  and  excite 
ment,  we  may  mention  that  stout  men  wept  like  children, 
that  two  candidates  for  the  gubernatorial  chairs  of  their 
respective  States  [probably  Curtin  and  Lane],  who  looked 
to  the  nomination  of  Honest  Old  Abe  to  carry  the  Repub 
lican  cause  at  home  through  the  storm,  sank  down  in 
excess  of  joy.  The  tumultuous  emotions  of  men  all  over  the 
platform  who  had  not  closed  their  eyes  during  the  last 
forty-eight  hours,  trembling  between  hope  and  fear,  labor 
ing  for  what  they  deemed  the  best  interest  of  the  noblest 
cause  under  the  heaven,  acted  with  electrical  effect  on  the 
immense  auditory.  Men  of  stern  countenances  and  strong 
nerves,  upon  rising  to  speak,  were  almost  disabled  by  their 
agitations.  Mr.  Browning  of  Illinois  will  pardon  us  for 
mentioning  his  name  in  this  connection.  But  the  scene 
is  not  to  be  pictured.  It  is  ever  memorable  to  those  who 
witnessed  it,  and  no  more  can  be  said." 

Of  course,  all  the  delegates  did  not  join  in  these  wild 
outbursts,  and  I  may  add  that  the  weeping  done  was  not 
all  caused  by  excess  of  joy.  The  Seward  men  from  New 

34 


York  and  some  other  States,  bitterly  disappointed,  sat 
quietly  in  their  seats.  With  the  ladies  also  Seward  was  the 
almost  universal  favorite,  and  we  read  in  the  Journal  that 
"when  the  announcement  was  made  that  their  favorite 
was  not  nominated,  many  of  the  dear  creatures  wept  like 
children."  Such  "strong  and  convincing  evidence  of 
woman's  patriotism  and  woman's  ardent  love  of  principle" 
almost  persuaded  the  editor  of  that  paper,  himself  an  ardent 
Seward  man,  to  be  in  favor  of  woman's  rights  in  the  widest 
sense  of  the  term,  and  led  him  to  exclaim  editorially,  "with 
all  heart  and  sympathy  in  their  disappointment,  fully  and 
feelingly,  Heaven  bless  the  ladies." 

The  nomination  of  Lincoln  occurred  not  far  from  the 
noon  hour.  After  the  excitement  had  somewhat  cooled 
or  exhausted  itself,  business  was  resumed  by  the  convention, 
and  several  speeches  endorsing  the  nomination  were  made. 
Then  about  half  past  one  the  convention  adjourned  to  five 
o'clock,  at  which  time  it  reconvened  and  nominated  Han 
nibal  Hamlin  of  Maine  for  Vice-President  upon  the  second 
ballot.  Shortly  thereafter,  "with  cheers  for  the  Ticket, 
the  Platform  and  the  Ladies  of  Chicago,"  the  convention 
adjourned,  as  one  delegate  with  true  prophetic  instinct 
moved,  "to  meet  at  the  White  House  on  the  Fourth  of  March 
next." 

The  tumultuous  demonstration  in  the  Wigwam  after 
Lincoln's  nomination  was  only  the  prelude  to  the  celebra 
tion  in  the  city  that  evening  after  the  convention  had 
adjourned.  A  grand  rally  of  Republicans  was  held  in  the 
Wigwam  which  again  was  crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity, 
while  about  three  thousand  who  were  unable  to  gain  admis 
sion,  assembled  outside  and  were  addressed  by  Richard 
Yates,  soon  to  become  the  famous  war-governor  of  Illinois. 
"Inside,  the  enthusiasm  was  [once  more]  beyond  descrip 
tion."  Joshua  R.  Giddings  spoke,  followed  by  Z.  K. 

35 


Pangborn,  editor  of  the  ancient  Whig  paper,  the  Boston 
Atlas,  "whose  jokes  kept  the  house  in  roars  of  laughter 
and  applause  throughout  his  address  .  .  .  Also  despatches 
were  read  from  New  York,  Philadelphia  and  other  cities 
stating  that  ratification  meetings  were  assembling,  guns 
firing,  processions  upon  parade,  etc.,  throughout  the  whole 
country." 

Outside  the  Wigwam  Chicago  was  swept  by  what  Boss 
Barnes  of  New  York  would  probably  call  "the  gusty  pas 
sions  of  the  mob."  One  hundred  guns  were  fired  from  the 
top  of  the  Tremont  House,  and  "their  echoes  caught  up 
and  answered  from  other  parts  of  the  city  almost  as  soon 
as  their  flashes  were  seen  across  the  night  sky.  Many 
buildings  were  illuminated,  notably  the  large  warehouse 
of  A.  Huntington,  Wadsworth  and  Parks,  on  Lake  street, 
with  variegated  lights  in  every  window,  while  a  banner  was 
hung  across  the  street  upon  which  was  painted,  Tor 
President  Abraham  Lincoln." 

The  Press  and  Tribune  building  likewise  was  illuminated 
from  "turret  to  foundation,"  by  the  brilliant  glare  of  a 
thousand  lights  which  blazed  from  windows  and  doors  with 
most  attractive  and  beautiful  effect.  On  each  side  of  the 
counting-room  door  stood  a  rail — one  of  the  three  thousand 
split  by  "Honest  Old  Abe"  on  the  Sangamon  River  bottoms. 

On  the  inside  were  two  more,  brilliantly  hung  with  tapers, 
whose  numberless  individual  lights  glistened  like  so  many 
stars  in  contrast  with  the  dark  walnut  color  of  the  wood. 
On  the  front  of  the  office  and  over  the  main  door,  between 
the  second  and  third  stories,  was  suspended  an  immense 
transparency  with  this  inscription  upon  it:  "For  President, 
Honest  Old  Abe,  For  Vice-President,  Hannibal  Hamlin.' 

Bonfires  glared  red  upon  the  heavens  from  the  streets 
and  rockets  "clove  through  the  air  like  fiery  telegrams  to 
the  stars."  The  Wide-Awakes  were  out  with  gleaming 

36 


torches  and  glistening  capes  and  caps;  crowds  collected 
at  the  several  hotels,  shouldered  fence  rails,  if  they  could 
be  had,  and  in  default  thereof,  pressed  into  service  brooms, 
cord-wood,  fish  poles,  and  even  rakes,  and  marched  through 
the  streets  to  the  music  of  a  score  of  bands.  At  dark  several 
of  the  triumphal  processions  united  and  paraded  through 
Clark  Street,  stopping  before  the  Tribune  building  to  rend 
the  air  "with  soul-inspiring  cheers  and  exclamations  of 
victory  which  awakened  a  loud  response  from  the  honest 
hearts  of  the  one  hundred  employees  of  this  establishment." 
Verily,  "Babel  had  come  again/'  exclaims  one  contemporary, 
and  "the  Democratic  Jericho  shook  at  the  shouts  and  blow 
ing  of  trumpets  and  holding  of  torches  in  the  left  hands  of 
Republican  Gideons." 

The  Pennsylvanians  in  particular  knew  no  bounds  to  the 
expression  of  their  feelings.  Immediately  after  the  conven 
tion  adjourned,  they  rallied  several  hundred  strong  at  the 
Briggs  House,  where  their  headquarters  presented  "a  scene 
of  indescribable  joy  and  excitement."  They  were  eloquently 
addressed  by  their  standard  bearer,  Andrew  G.  Curtin. 
They  all  asserted  that  Lincoln's  nomination  would  gain  them 
the  State  by  at  least  25,000  majority.  The  clouds  which 
had  darkened  their  political  horizon  were  swept  away  and 
they  saw  the  road  open  to  an  overwhelming  triumph. 
Their  feelings  excited  by  "the  certainty  of  such  a  glorious 
victory  carried  them  almost  beyond  bounds  in  the  expres 
sion  of  their  wild  anticipations."  They  wer6  "crazy  with 
delight,"  and  declared  that  they  were  going  home  to  put 
rail-pens  in  every  school  district  in  the  State.  They  even 
telegraphed,  it  was  said,  to  Decatur,  for  the  whole  fence 
that  Old  Abe  had  put  up  in  1830. 

It  is  not  known  how  many  rails  the  Pennsylvanians 
secured,  but  probably  not  the  whole  number  requisitioned, 
for  an  enormous  demand  for  these  original  Lincoln  rails 

37 


sprang  up  forthwith.  They  were  bought  up  and  for 
warded  by  express  to  all  parts  of  the  country.  Major 
Eggleston,  President  of  the  Cincinnati  Board  of  Trade, 
was  reported  to  have  paid  $20  for  a  pair  of  them  to  send  home 
for  a  glorious  ratification.  "The  lucky  owner  of  the  tim 
ber,"  comments  one  contemporary,  "has  turned  his  posses 
sion  to  account  rather  more  sharply  than  was  fitting  the 
occasion,  but  nothing  can  frustrate  the  desire  for  ' those 
rails.7" 

Here  my  story  ends,  for  with  the  departure  early  Saturday 
morning  for  Springfield  of  the  committee  appointed  to 
notify  Mr.  Lincoln  of  his  nomination;  with  the  setting  out 
of  hundreds  of  convention  visitors  upon  special  excursions 
to  Davenport,  Iowa,  and  other  much  advertised  points  in 
the  middle  West;  with  the  return  to  their  homes  of  the 
thousands  who  had  come  to  Chicago  from  the  East  and  the 
West,  the  story  of  the  Republican  national  convention  of 
1860  merges  into  the  story  of  the  great  presidential  cam 
paign  which  followed  and  which  was  the  prologue  to  the 
Civil  War. 


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